The United States closed off almost every other avenue for migration from Central America, and indeed, from Mexico to the United States, which in some respects, not completely, forced people to seek asylum, right? There aren’t temporary worker programs other than agricultural and low skilled H-2A [programs], and those have struggled, frankly, to keep up with both demand and processing. And so people have sort of resorted to requesting asylum, both for legitimate reasons, but also because they don’t know of any other way to get to the United States.
The deep public opposition is built on the widespread recognition that migration moves money from employees to
employers, from families to investors, from young to old, from children to their parents, from homebuyers to real estate investors, and from the central states to the coastal states.
investors and CEOs to skimp on labor-saving technology, sideline U.S. minorities, ignore disabled people, exploit stoop labor in the fields, shortchange labor in the cities, impose tight control and pay cuts on American professionals, corral technological innovation by minimizing the employment of innovative American graduates, undermine Americans’ labor rights, and redirect progressive journalists to cheerlead for Wall Street’s priorities and claims.
Jordan’s George W. Bush-like statement at the
New York Times is echoed by editors at the investor-dominated Wall Street Journal.
Under a January 26
headline, “On Immigration, Compromise Beats Amnesty,” columnist Jason Riley called for investors to compromise with progressive groups:
… the amnesty debate is largely a side issue. Simply legalizing the status of these migrants–most of whom have been in the country for more than a decade–won’t solve the larger problem, which is the imbalance between the number of [worker] visas available and the number of foreigners who want them. After World War II, the federal government’s Bracero program extended work visas to Mexican migrants to address a U.S. labor shortage, and the rate of illegal immigration plummeted … The biggest failure of the 1986 amnesty under Ronald Reagan was that it did little to expand ways to come lawfully. Mr. Biden should avoid making the same mistake.
“The only answer to this [migrant pressure] quandary is to open more legal pathways,”
WSJ columnist Mary Anatasia Gray wrote January 24.
New York Times offers uncritical support for labor migration, but also it reports the spreading poverty in immigrant-dominated suburbs and cities.
On January 29, for example, the
New York Times posted a detailed report showing the coronavirus’s spread through the migrant-heavy Los Angeles region:
County officials recently estimated that
one in three of Los Angeles County’s roughly 10 million people have been infected with Covid-19 since the beginning of the pandemic. But even amid an uncontrolled outbreak, some Angelenos have faced higher risk than others. County data shows that Pacoima, a predominantly Latino neighborhood that has one of the highest case rates in the nation, has roughly five times the rate of Covid-19 cases as much richer and whiter Santa Monica.
The essential workers who risk getting sick on the job
are more likely to be Latino and more likely to live in overcrowded houses and apartments without space to isolate, experts have said throughout the pandemic.
Their jobs — including those in
warehouses, food processing plants, restaurant kitchens and factories — are likely to be lower paid, and workers are less likely to be able to take time off when they’re sick.
The large-scale use of migrant labor also leaves American workers more vulnerable to pressure from foremen and hiring managers. The
Wall Street Journal reported January 5:
In a 2019 report by Barclays Research that examined data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the National Institute on Drug Abuse, the bank’s analysts said that opioid use in the U.S. has made workers in the industry less productive and has increased costs to the industry. While the precise number of overdose deaths in the North American construction industry is hard to determine, the workers are roughly six times more likely than workers in other manufacturing, industrial and service industries to become addicted to opioids, according to the report.
Mr. Anderson, a 28-year-old elevator mechanic who works in New York City, became addicted to Percocet and OxyContin when he started his first construction job framing houses at 19 years of age. He found that he could get more work done when he was high and unable to feel the strain of the job.
“I was doing my thing, doing my work, and life didn’t become a mess,” he said. “It was no harm, no foul.” Eventually, however, he found he couldn’t even get to work without the drugs and spent almost all his money on the pills. When those became too expensive or difficult to find, he switched to heroin.
New York Times article included a quote from a California academic who has seen his state transformed by commingled waves of cheap legal and illegal labor since 1990:
“The principle is simple: If you carry out a broad legalization [of illegal migrants], it doesn’t freeze undocumented migration flows as long as labor demand persists,” said Wayne Cornelius, director emeritus of the Center for Comparative Immigration Studies at the University of California, San Diego.
“That’s why you need to increase the number of legal-entry opportunities, to accommodate future migrants,” Cornelius emailed Breitbart News.
However, Cornelis declined to answer any questions about the impact of a migrant-flooded labor market on the distribution of wealth and poverty throughout California and the United States.
Many investors gain from importing a population of poor,